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SLAVERY-KANSAS. 


SPEECH 

OF 

HON. WILLIAM A. GILBERT, 

II J 

OF NEW YORK, 

DELIVERED 

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AUGUST 6, 1S5G. 


The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the 
slate of the Union— 

Mr. GILBERT said: 

Mr. Chairman : In what I shall say at this 
time, I do not purpose to follow the lead of gen¬ 
tlemen who have preceded me in debate; neither 
do I intend to go into an elaborate argument upon 
the amendment now pending, but shall avail my¬ 
self of the latitude generally recognized by this 
committee in the discussion of issues which, at 

f vresent, are momentous in the public mind, and 
lave well nigh brought ruin and dissolution upon 
us as a nation. Never, since the adoption of that 
Declaration which, under extreme necessity, in¬ 
volved not only the lives, fortunes, and honor of 
our fathers, but secured to this nation its birth¬ 
right, has our country and its representatives 
been called upon to exercise that discretion and 
wisdom which the present crisis demands at our 
hands. 

Sir, no one will for a moment pretend to deny 
that our country is in an alarming and perilous 
condition. My whole life has been spent until 
recently in the free North; my associations and 
sympathies have been, and are still, with those 
who regard the institution of slavery as an evil 
and a great national sin; and while we regret its 
existence in many of our States, we do not pro¬ 
pose to interfere with it there, but we do deny 
the existence of any moral or constitutional right 
to extend it into territory now free. This, sir, has 
been a long mooted question; and in that State, p 
portion of which I have the honor to represent 
upon this floor, all parties have, with political 
sagacity, seemingly avoided the issue. Sir, the 
Democrats in my own State, and particularly in 
my district, after adopting a pro-slavery, national 
and State platform, dare not go before the people 
upon the true issue now presented. Southern 
Democrats are frank in their avowals, and set 
forth the issue properly, and I like them for it. 

The honorable gentleman from Mississippi, 
[Mr. Bennett,] during the effort to organize this 
House, in one of the Democratic standard speeches 
of the session, said: 


“The great question agitated in the public mind is the 
question of slavery extension, and the power of Congress to 
legislate on the subject of slavery in the Territories. The 
Abolition party claim everywhere the power of Congress to 
abolish slavery in the Territories; in favor of the restora¬ 
tion of the Missouri compromise, and opposed to any State 
hereafter being admitted into this Union with a pro-slavery 
constitution.” 

Here the gentleman defines the position of the 
northern people, whom he stigmatizes as the 
“ Abolition party. ” Now, sir, does he, speaking 
for his party, take issue upon thesd questions? 
Most certainly he does, and claims protection 
under the Constitution of the United States. Let 
us hear what he says: 

“ We would scorn, sir, as southern people, to present our¬ 
selves as suppliants at the feet of Abolitionists, and claiming 
mercy at their hands; but, sir, We come as equals in this 
Union—equal in rights and privileges—and claming nothing 
more, and determined to accept nothing less than that pro¬ 
tection which the Constitution accords to us. I come in 
the name of my people, not with threats, but with warnings. 
If you love the Union, by the high obligation which that 
sentiment imposes on you, we warn you to preserve it. 
You can if you will; but if, in defiance of our warnings, and 
in violation of both law and justice, you are still resolved to 
encroach upon our rights, see thatyou are not overwhelmed 
in its mighty ruins.” 

One would suppose that the Constitution was 
made expressly for the benefit and extension of 
slavery. If the North object, as it does, to a 
southern and slavery policy, then the warning 
voice is raised, and dissolution threatened. This, 
sir, is but a conservative view of southern De¬ 
mocracy, which acts in concert with the Democ¬ 
racy of the North. The party North and South 
contend for the same principles, support for office 
the same candidates; and why, I ask, do not 
northern Democrats talk the same language, and 
preach the same doctrines, at the North? Why 
do they not go before the people, (as at the South,) 
and instruct them that slavery is a Christian in¬ 
stitution; that it is recognized by the higher law, 
the laws of God, and the Constitution; that the 
poor African, stolen and sold into American bond¬ 
age, is thereby placed jn the highway to heaven, 
with the light of the Gospel shining into, and 
illuminating his dark and benighted mind ? Why 
do not Democrats in the free States contend ear- 












2 




nestly for the right of the slave power to extend 
its domain northward and westward, and, if in 
this they are repulsed, threaten a dissolution of 
the Union? This, sir, is Democracy in fact, 
North and South, as I will endeavor to show be¬ 
fore I get through. 

It is this holding back a part of the price at the 
North that has brought upon our country the 
present political difficulties, and the single but 
alarming issue. Issues may be, and too often 
are, evaded by politicians at home; but here men 
are tried upon the square of the platform of the 
party; and hence so many of what we call at the 
North, “ doughfaces.” 

When I entered this Hall at the commence¬ 
ment of this remarkable session of Congress, I 
was not surprised to see two great parties re¬ 
spectively representing here the interests of the 
North and South. But, sir, I was astonished at 
the tactics resorted to by the Democracy, and the 
announcements made in this Hall during the con¬ 
test for the Speakership. Precedents long estab¬ 
lished were discarded by that party calling them¬ 
selves Democrats. The gentleman from Ala¬ 
bama [Mr. Cobb] said: 

c< I was a member of this House in 1849. At that time I 
was in favor of and voted for a plurality resolution, for the 
reason that under it we could and did elect our Speaker, 
Mr. Cobb, of Georgia; and now I am opposed to it, be¬ 
cause we cannot elect our candidate, Mr. Richardson.” 

The southern Whigs were found acting and 
voting with the Democrats for the gentleman who 
was made their candidate on account of his ac¬ 
knowledged services in engineering through this 
House at the first session of the last Congress, 
that notorious Kansas-Nebraska bill. The gen¬ 
tleman from Missouri [Mr. Caruthers] said he 
was elected as a Whig, but the Whig party South 
was deceased, and its spirit had been transmi¬ 
grated into the Democratic party, and in acting 
with that party he represented the will and inter¬ 
ests of his people. 

The South as a unit, aided by a few northern 
Democrats, arrayed and arranged against the 
North, striving for mastery. It is true that the 
northern members here, in representing their con¬ 
stituents, were compelled to refuse obedience to 
southern dictation, and for this they were called 
all sorts of names—nigger worshipers, disunion- 
ists, fanatics, aggressors, and devils. And just 
here I will again refer to the standard speech of 
the gentleman from Mississippi, and give his 
closing remarks: 

“ tn view of all I see around me. I am almost ready to 
exclaim, Surely we have fallen upon evil times. This same 
spirit of Abolitionism, which but a few years ago merely 
claimed the right of petition, without even holding the 
balance of power, by fusion with one of the old political 
parties,has now, with here and there an exception, taken 
absolute possession of the free-State Legislatures, con¬ 
trolling not only the executive and legislative, but the 
judicial departments of nearly all the free States, and has 
filled the representative branch of Congress with a majority 
openly proclaiming that slavery must be annihilated and 
abolished everywhere. When I see this smothered spirit in 
t he House, with a determined will to make war upon the 
South, I am almost ready to exclaim, in the language of 
Ferdinand, 4 All hell is empty; the devils are all here 1’ 

“ hi v ‘ ew °f the whole subject of this spirit of Abolition 
aggression upon the rights of the South, and the bold and 
unblushing assumptions now claimed in the Halls of this | 


House, surely every patriot and lover of this Union may 
feel a deep solicitude for the pending issues. 

I warn you again, in the name of our common coun¬ 
try, and the compact that binds us together, to stay the hand 
of your threatening. For one, I am prepared to say, the 
South will never submit to the consummation of those acts 
which, in your election, you are bound to carry out. You 
have schooled our feelings to look upon your threatenings 
with disregard and contempt; we pray God your aggressions 
may never force upon us tiiat conflict ; but, sir, if that con¬ 
flict must come, f, for one, say, let it commence in this Hall; 
and I hope, sir, that, if it be necessary to maintain our con¬ 
stitutional rights, it may commence on this floor, and that 
the first drop of human gore shed in defense of violated 
rights and insulted honor, may crimson the walls of this 
Capitol, and he consecrated to the maintenance of equal 
rights and equal justice. The Democracy have planted 
themselves upon the principles of civil and religious liberty, 
and upon them they stand united and harmonious.” 

The honorable gentleman comes to us as a mis¬ 
sionary with a warning voice, but not in that ' 
spirit of humility which ought to characterize a 
messenger of mercy. I fear he will have to return 
to his dear people with the report that the warn¬ 
ing voice had been raised but was unheeded. 

“ Ears have they, but they hear not.” True it 
is, that “this same spirit which, but a few years 
ago, merely claimed the right of petition, (and 
that denied,) with here and there an exception, 
has taken possession of the free-State Legisla¬ 
tures, and has filled the representative branch of 
Congress with a majority,” has grown, and will 
continue to expand. Just so long as the South per¬ 
sists in its aggressions upon the North, “and the 
bold and unblushing assumptions” now claimed 
in the halls of this Capitol on the part of the 
South, just so long the gentleman and his party 
may exclaim, in the language of Ferdinand: 

I 

“ Hell is empty. 

And nil the devils are here.” 

The North is almost constantly being charged 
with threats and aggressions upon the rights of 
the South. What are these threats and aggres¬ 
sions of the North that we are lectured so much 
about, and which are looked upon with disregard 
and contempt? Sir, the North is guilty of no such 
acts as are charged; it does claim to have rights 
equal and in common w'ith the South; these rights 
it will maintain, even at the expense of that con¬ 
flict the gentleman speaks of. We have heard a 
great deal said about the dissolution of the Union. 
Why, sir, during the early part of this session, 
it was proclaimed upon this floor by the gentle¬ 
man from Maryland, [Mr. Bowie,] in tones of 
thunder, and published to the world, that this 
House was not only in a disorganized state, but 
that we were then in the midst of a revolution. 
Although the signs of the times did, for a while, 
indicate a revolutionary spirit, our glorious Union 
still survives, and our Constitution, in letter and 
spirit, will yet be enforced. 

The pending issue is now well understood, and 
the approaching political battle, for such it will 
be, will settle the question, whether the blessings 
of liberty, equality, and justice, purchased by the 
blood of our fathers, are to be handed down to 
our posterity, as a national inheritance; or whether 
the slave power is to take and hold the reins of 
this Government, and establish and perpetuate a 
system which makes God’s creatures, bearing 
His own image, property, to be sold, used, ana 


S 

















3 


trafficked upon for political power and paltry gain 
—a system discountenanced by Washington as 
early as 1786, when he said: 

“1 never mean, unless some particular circumstance 
should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, 
it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted 
by which slavery in this country maybe abolished by law.” 

The great apostle of Democracy wrote the fol¬ 
lowing letter in answer to a friend in Ohio, who 
asked his opinion upon the subject of slavery: 

Monticei,lo, May 20, 1826. 

Dear Sir : Persuasion, perseverance, and patience, arc 
the best advocates on questions depending upon the will 
of others. The revolution in public opinion, which this j 
case requires, is not to be expected in a day, or perhaps in I 
an age; but time, which outlives all things, will outlive 
this evil also. My sentiments have been forty years before j 
the public. Had I repeated them forty times, they would 
have only become the more stale and threadbare. Although 
I shall not live to see them consummated, they will not 
die with me; but living or dying, they will ever be in my 
most fervent prayers. This is written for yourself, and not j 
for the public, in compliance with your request for two 
lines of sentiment on the subject. Accept the assurance ) 
of my good will and respect. 

THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Again, the sage of Monticello, the pride of the ! 
“ Old Dominion,” in his Notes on Virginia, said: 

“ The wholp commerce between master and slave is a 
continual exercise of the most unremitting despotism on the j 
one part, and degrading submission on the other.” * * * j 
** With what execration should the statesman he loaded, | 
who, permitting one half of the citizens thus to trample on 
the rights of the other, transforms those into despots and 
these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and 
the amor patrue of the other! Can the liberties of a nation 
be thought secure, when we have removed their only firm 
basis—a conviction in the minds of the people that these 
liberties are the gift of God? that they are not violated but 
by His wrath? Indeed, 1 tremble for my country when I 
reflect that God is just, and His justice cannot sleep for¬ 
ever.” 

Sir, we see that the question of slavery is no new 
element in the politics of our country. The slave 

ower, from the organization of this Government, 

as been constant in its efforts to strengthen its 
hold upon the Constitution, and enlarge its do¬ 
main by the acquisition of slave States into the 
Union. These sectional demands have only been 
allayed, for a time, by repeated legislative ad¬ 
justments. 

In 1793, the South required that their slave prop¬ 
erty should be better protected; and “an act re¬ 
specting fugitives from justice and persons escap¬ 
ing from the service of their masters ,” was passed 
by Congress. 

When Missouri prayed admission into the j 
Union, this same spirit of sectional ambition was 
adjusted by Congress in the establishment of what! 
is commonly known as the “Missouri compro¬ 
mise of 1820,” by which slavery was forever pro¬ 
hibited north of 36° 30'. This was considered at 
that time a triumph on the part of the South. 

Congress Hall, March 2, 1820, 
Three o’clock at night. 

Dear Sir : l hasten to inform you that this moment we 
have carried the question to admit Missouri, and all Louis¬ 
iana to the southward of 36° 30' free of the restriction of 
slavery, and give the South, in a slfort time, an addition of 
six, perhaps eight, members to the Senate of the United 
States. It is considered here by the slaveholding States as 
a great triumph. ******* 

With respect, your obedient servant, 

CHARLES PINCKNEY. 

In 1850, the South deeming it necessary to 


place around its darling institution additional 
safeguards, and for testing and holding its strength 
in the councils of the nation, another move was 
made, and resulted in the passage by Congress 
of the “ fugitive slave act. ” This extreme enact¬ 
ment the North regarded as an insult, arbitrary 
and unjust in its provisions. The public mind 
was again agitated. The North caved. The 
Whig and Democratic parties, in their national 
conventions of 1852, indorsed this measure as a 
finality. A presidential contest ensued. The 
Whig party, with a good nominee, but with sac¬ 
rificed principles, was badly beaten. The De¬ 
mocracy, emboldened, made another requisition 
upon the rights of freedom. The Kansas-Nebraska 
bill was enacted, and the line prohibiting the 
northward march of slavery was repealed. By 
whom, and for what purpose, was it repealed? 
The honorable member from Mississippi [Mr. 
Barksdale] answered these questions but a few 
days since, in his vindication of Mr. Buchanan, 
when he said: 

“ The South, in justice to itself, demanded the repeal of 
the Missouri compromise, that they might go into that Ter¬ 
ritory with their property on an equality with the North.” 

This demand was ackno wledged by the northern 
Democrats, who aided in its repeal. Immediately 
on the removal of the restriction, the Missourians, 
who, by “asolemn publicact”oftheirLegislature, 
approved by the Governor, declaring the assent 
of that State to the “fundamental condition” con¬ 
tained in the resolution passed by the Congress 
of the United States, providing for her admission 
into the Union, on condition that slavery be for¬ 
ever prohibited from that Territory, rushed into 
Kansas and declared it a slave Territory. This 
has been denied, but the facts are now a matter 
of history; and black as that page is with bad 
faith, crime, assassinations and murders, it will 
be preserved in the archives of this nation forever. 
The report of the Kansas investigating committee 
states, that within a few days after the organic, 
law was passed by Congress, and as soon as it 
was known on the border, leading citizens of 
Missouri crossed into the Territory, held squat¬ 
ter meetings and passed resolutions, among which 
are the following: 

“ That we will afford protection to no Abolitionist as a 
settler of this Territory.” 

“ That we recognize the institution of slavery as already 
existing in this Territory, and advise slaveholders to intro¬ 
duce their property as soon as possible.” 

Similar resolutions were passed in various parts 
of the Territory, and by meetings in several 
counties in Missouri This unlawful interference, 
says the committee, has been continued in every 
important event in the history of that Territory; 
every election has been controlled by citizens of 
Missouri; and every officer in the Territory, from 
constable to legislators, except those appointed® 
by the President, owes his position to non-res-B 
ident voters. In October, 1854, when Governor* 
Reeder and other officers appointed by the Pres-B 
ident, arrived in the Territory, settlers from alp 
parts of the country were moving in, making® 
their claims, and building their cabins. AbouH 
this time, and before any elections could be hekfl 
in the Territory, a secret political society wag 




















formed in Missouri. It was known by different 
names, such as “Social Band,” “Friends’ So¬ 
ciety,” “ Blue Lodge,” “ Sons of the South.” 
“ Its members were bound together by secret 
oaths, passwords, signs, and grips.” These so¬ 
cieties embraced great numbers of the citizens of 
Missouri, and extended into other slave States, 
and into the Territory, with the avowed object 
of extending slavery into the Territory at all 
hazards. How they succeeded may be seen by 
comparing the number of legal voters in the Ter¬ 
ritory, according to a census taken February, 
1855, which were 2,905, (I will say here, that 
this census shows in the Territory 192 slaves.) 
On the day of completing the census, the Governor 
ordered an election for members of the Legislative 
Assembly, to be held on the 3d of March, 1855. 
At this election there were about 6,300 votes cast, 
5,000 of which were by non-residents. 

These facts are not denied; neither is it denied 
that? many of the free-State voters were deterred 
from exercising the elective franchise by the 
threats and violence of the armed marauders. 
The result is, the Territory is cursed with a pro¬ 
slavery Legislature. Its acts are without a par¬ 
allel in the history of civilized nations—in viola¬ 
tion of their organic law and our Constitution. 
The citizens there have been deprived of their 
constitutional right “ to be secured in their per¬ 
sons, papers, and effects, against unwarrantable 
seizures.” Why, sir, free-State men were not 
only deprived of voting, but forcibly driven and 
dragged from the polls, in the midst of Satanic 
yells of the ruffians, “ Kill the damned nigger 
thief!” “ Cut his throat!” “ Tear his heart out!” 
&c.,—at the same time presenting cocked revolv¬ 
ers, and flourishing bowie-knives and clubs. 
Free-State judges of elections were given just 
fifteen minutes “ to resign their posts, or die.” 
This, sir, characterizes the manner in which the 
elections were conducted; and that, too, by men 
who were holding important offices in the Terri¬ 
tory, not excepting judges and legislators. Before 
the elections, freedom of speech had been abridged, 
the press had been destroyed, and men, for ex¬ 
pressing political opinions upon political subjects 
which have for years consumed more time in 
debate in this Hall than any other, have been 
treated with mob violence, and compelled to flee 
the country for their lives. Ministers of the 
Gospel, for preaching against the infringement of 
the rights of man, were driven out, and banished 
from the country. This Territorial Legislature 
has already enacted laws filling a large volume of 
nearly one thousand pages. 1 will refer to a few 
sections, which characterize the whole system of 
legislation there. Chapter one hundred and fifty- 
one, section twelve, of “ An act to punish offenses 
against slave property,” reads as follows: 

“ If any free person, by speaking or by writing, assert or 
maintain that persons have not the right to hold slaves in 
this Territory, or shall introduce into this Territory, print, 
publish, write, circulate, or cause to be introduced into this 
Territory, written, printed, published, or circulated, in this 
Territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or circu¬ 
lar, containing any denial of the right of persons to hold 
slaves in this Territory, such person shall be deemed guilty 
of felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for 
a term of not less titan two years.” 


Now, let us compare this provision with article 
one, amended Constitution, which reads: 

“ Congress shall make no law respecting an establish¬ 
ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or 
abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the 
right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition 
the Government for a redress of grievances.” 

Certainly Congress has not given that Legis¬ 
lature the power to impose gag laws upon its cit¬ 
izens, and it has no delegated or other power to 
prohibit the expression or discussion of enter¬ 
tained opinions relating to the policy of slavery, 
or any questions touching the interest of that, or 
any other part or portion of our.Government. 
Kansas laws, chapter sixty-six, section eleven, 
after stating who are qualified voters attaches the 
following conditions: 

“ Provided, That no person who shall have been con¬ 
victed of any violation of any of the provisions of an act of 
Congress, entitled ‘ an act respecting fugitives from justice, 
and persons escaping from the service of their masters,’ 
approved February 12, 1793, or of the fugitive slave act of 
1850: Jind provided further, That, if any person offering to 
vote shall he challenged, and required to take an oath or 
affirmation, to he administered by one of the judges of the 
election, that he will sustain the provisions of the above 
recited acts of Congress, and of the act entitled ‘ an act to 
organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas,’ approved 
May 30,1854, and shall refuse to take such oath or affirma¬ 
tion, the vote of such person shall be rejected.” 

By section twelve the same qualifications and 
provisoes are necessary to the eligibility of a mem¬ 
ber of the Legislative Assembly, and every other 
officer elected or appointed to office under the 
laws of that Territory. 

Now we will see who are qualified jurors. 
Chapter ninety-two, section six, reads as follows: 

“Every petit juror shall be a free male white citizen of 
the Territory, resident in the county, above the age of 
twenty-one years, and not otherwise disqualified.” 

This qualification will be understood by refer¬ 
ring to section thirteen,same chapter, which reads 
thus: 

“No person who is conscientiously opposed to the holding 
of slaves, or who dops not admit the right to hold slaves in 
this Territory, shall he a juror in any cause in which the 
right to hold any person in slavery is involved, nor in any 
cause in which any injury done to, or committed by, any 
slave, is in issue, nor in any criminal proceeding for the vi¬ 
olation of any law enacted for the protection of slave prop¬ 
erty, and for the punishment of crimes committed against 
the right to such properly.” 

The judges and marshals being appointed by 
a pro-slavery President, of course, are all right, 
and, as the ruffians say, “ sound on the goose 
question;” it also becomes necessary to have law¬ 
yers who are also “sound.” Chapter two, an act 
concerning attorneys at law, section three: 

“ Every person obtaining a license to practice law shall 
take an oatli or affirmation to support the Constitution of 
the United States, and to support and sustain the provisions 
of an act to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kan¬ 
sas, and the provisions of an act commonly known as the 
fugitive slave law,” “ which oath shall be indorsed on his 
license.” 

Many other sections might be quoted, to show 
that the preconcerted policy of the slaveholders 
has been faithfully observed by this bogus Legis¬ 
lature, in the enactment of such laws as tend to 
undermine our Government, and to override our 
Constitution. The gag is applied to the people; 
the sacred right of elective franchise is restricted 










5 


and abridged; the jury-box filled with the ene¬ 
mies of freedom; the press destroyed and thrown 
into the river; the attorney, by law and the affi¬ 
davit indorsed on his license, is made the advo¬ 
cate of slavery, with a court ready to inflict the 
punishment of felons on citizens for the exercise 
of their constitutional rights. 

. Mr. Jefferson, the father of Democracy, when 
about to assume the duties of the first executive of 
this country, speaking of certain principles which 
should govern us as a nation, recommends “ a 
jealous care of the rights of election by the peo¬ 
ple;” ‘‘encouragement of agriculture, and of 
commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of in¬ 
information, and arraignment of all abuses at the 
bar of the public reason; freedom of religion; free¬ 
dom of the press; and freedom of persons under 
the protection of the habeas corpus; and trial by 
juries impartially selected.” He said: 

“These principles form the bright constellation which has 
gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of rev¬ 
olution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and 
blood of our heroes ha,ve been devoted to their attainment; 
they should be the creed o( our political faith ; the text of 
civic instruction ; the touchstone by which to try the ser¬ 
vices of those we trust; and should we wander from them 
in moments of error, or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our 
steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, 
liberty, and safety.” 

Mr. Madison, defining the purposes of Govern¬ 
ment, said: 

{: Avoid the slightest interference with the rights of con¬ 
science, or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted 
from civil jurisprudence ; to preserve in their full energy 
the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and per¬ 
sonal rights, and of the freedom of the press.” 

These men, with Webster, Clay, and Calhoun, 
if living and uttering these well known senti¬ 
ments in Kansas, would be indicted, and, under 
its law r s, punished as felons, with death. Why, 
sir, were I to go into Kansas and read to a meet¬ 
ing of frce-State residents there, the Declaration 
of Independence and the introductory remarks of 
Hickey, upon the Constitution of the United 
States, (the best commentary extant,) I should 
be adjudged, under these laws, guilty of a felony 
punishable with death. 

I will not consume time by enumerating the re¬ 
peated acts of violence,robberies, assassinations, 
and murders, nor the sufferings inflicted under the 
pretended vindication of laws to which inhabit¬ 
ants of Kansas have been subjected for the utter¬ 
ing of sentiments prompted by a high sense of 
morality, religion, and equality, but pass from 
them to review the past and present position of the 
Chief Executive of the country, and his party. 
What were Franklin Pierce’s views on slavery 
extension in 1845? In a public address to the 
people of Concord, New Hampshire, he said that 
“ he regarded slavery as one of the greatest moral 
and social evils—a curse upon the whole country; 
this he believed to be the sentiment of all men of 
all parties at the North.” The following are ex¬ 
tracts from his speech in the constitutional con¬ 
vention of New Hampshire in 1851: 

« I would take the ground of the non-extension of sla¬ 
very”—“ that slavery should not become stronger.” “ What 
single thing is there connected with slavery that is not ob¬ 
noxious i ” “ No one can feel more deeply than I do on the 
subject.” 

Shortly afterwards he became the Democratic 


nominee for President, and was elected by an 
almost unanimous vote—the North at the time 
declaring him opposed to the further extension 
of slavery, and the South, relying upon his pre¬ 
vious record in the Senate, represented him as 
true to their interest upon all questions relating 
to the subject of slavery, whilst at the same time 
he stood before the country pledged by the plat¬ 
form of his party, and opposed to the agitation 
of this question in all forms and under all cir- 
[ cumstances. He has been exceedingly unfor¬ 
tunate in his administration. He has widely 
departed from the policy laid down in his inau¬ 
gural. fie has used the strong arm of our Navy 
to suppress a marauding force in Central Amer¬ 
ica, and, for chastisement, destroyed the defense¬ 
less city of Greytown; but in our own beloved 
country he has remained silent, and permitted a 
marauding party, without any pretense or color 
of law, to usurp dominion over our own common 
territory, and there to plant the black flag of sla¬ 
very, in defiance of the rights of its citizens, and 
of at least three fourths of the electors of this 
Republic. He has been deaf to the calls of hu¬ 
manity, and with folded arms has suffered mur¬ 
der, violence, and rapine, to overcome and drive 
freedom from its possessions. He has given no 
aid to the free-State settlers, but has placed at the 
command of a pro-slavery Governor the Army 
of the United States to enforce these flagitious 
laws, with the view of creating additional slave 
States, by which the sham Democracy may be 
strengthened in Congress. The policy of the 
South is power—power that will subdue the 
North, and make it bend the knee of freedom to 
slavocracy. 

Mr. Chairman, I think it is conclusively shown 
that the Democratic party is sectional and selfish 
in its Administration, and has, by its acts, proven 
itself the aggressive party, fully committed to the 
rule, “ that might makes right.” 

This Administration is soon to terminate. Gen¬ 
eral Pierce was a candidate in the Cincinnati 
convention fora re-nomination. On the first ballot 
he received one hundred and twenty-two votes; 
on the sixteenth ballot he received just three and 
one half votes, when his name was withdrawn. 
This furnishes a sufficient commentary upon his 
administration, and here 1 leave him. 

We will for a moment look into the political 
history of the present nominee while he was 
himself. 

JAMES BUCHANAN. 

The honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania 
[Mr. Fuller] has furnished us with the follow- 
! ing record. He says: 

| 44 Passing along tbe political graveyard of buried opinions, 

f find it recorded that on the ‘23d day of November, A. D. 
1 1819, no less distinguished a personage than James Buch¬ 
anan, in Lancaster county convention, presented the fol¬ 
lowing resolutions: 

“ 4 Resolved, That the Representatives in Congress from 
this district be, and they are hereby, most earnestly re¬ 
quested, to use their utmost endeavors, as members of the 
National Legislature, to prevent the existence of slavery 
in any of the Territories or States which may be erected 
by Congress. 

44 4 Resolved, That, in the opinion of this meeting, the 
members of Congress who, at the last session, sustained the 
cause of justice, humanity, and patriotism, in opposing the 








6 


introduction of slavery into the State then endeavored to 
be formed out of the Missouri Territory, are entitled to the 
warmest thanks of every friend of humanity. 

“ 1 In 1819, he declared against the Missouri line. In 1847, 
in his celebrated Berk’s county letter, he declared in favor 
of the extension of that line to the Pacific, and his solemn 
belief that the stability of the Union itself depended upon 
the passage of such a measure.’ ” 

In 1856, he is opposed to the restoration of this 
line. In 1836, in the United States Senate, he 
voted to suppress incendiary (slavery) documents 
through the mails in the southern States. This, 
sir, is a good record for a presidential candidate. 
Jt furnishes an apology for northern Democratic 
votes, and guaranties the united support of the 
South. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones, of Pennsylvania, a per¬ 
sonal friend of Mr. Buchanan, defends him on 
this floor against the charge of Free-Soilism, as 
follows: 

t( All such accusations as these against Mr. Buchanan 
are answered by thirty-six years of devotion to the Consti¬ 
tution of the United States. 

“ They are answered by the fact that, twenty years ago, 
in the Senate of the United States, he was among the first 
northern men to resist the inroads of Abolitionism. 

“They are answered by his opposition to the circulation 
of insurrectionary documents, through the mails of the 
United States, among the slaves of the South. 

“ They are answered by his determined support of the bill 
admitting Arkansas in the American Union. 

“ They are answered by his early support of the annexa¬ 
tion of Texas. 

“ They are answered by his persevering support of the 
fugitive slave law. 

“ They are answered by his energetic efforts to effect the 
repeal of the law of the State of Pennsylvania, denying to 
the Federal authorities the use of her prisons for the deten¬ 
tion of fugitive slaves. 

“ They are answered by his early and unyielding opposi¬ 
tion to the Wilmot proviso. 

“ They are answered by every vote he gave in the Ameri¬ 
can Congress on the question of slavery, and by the fact 
that, of all northern men, he has been among the most prom¬ 
inent in asserting and defending a strict construction of the 
Federal Constitution.” 

This indorsement of his soundness on domestic 
slavery, together with his Ostend manifesto, en¬ 
abled him readily to outstrip all competitors in 
the Cincinnati Convention. 

Governor Wise, of Virginia, in his great speech 
at Richmond, declared that, if the nominee of 
that convention should be elected, Kansas would 
be made a slave State, and that the price of 
negroes would advance from one thousand dol¬ 
lars to two, three, or even four thousand dollars 
a head. 

If any further proof of the course to be pur¬ 
sued, in the event of the election of Mr. Buchanan, 
is needed, it is found in the speech of Franklin 
Pierce at a ratification meeting in this city: 

“ I congratulate you that your choice has fallen on a man 
who stands on the identical platform that I occupy, and 
that he. will take the same with the standard lowered never 
an inch.” 

Mr. Douglas says that— 

“ Buchanan and myself have, for several years back, 
ever since I came into public life, held the same position 
on the slavery question from beginning to end.” 

Mr. Buchanan, speaking for himself, says: 

“ I have been placed upon a platform of which I most 
heartily approve, and that can speak for me. Being the 


i representative of the great Democratic party, and not sim¬ 
ply James Buchanan, I must square my conduct according 
to the platform of that party, and insert no new plank, nor 
take one from it. That platform is sufficiently broad and 
national for the whole Democratic party.” 

Mr. Chairman, after this, I think no man will 
contend that Mr. Buchanan is national in his 
views or proclivities. It has been attempted to 
be shown on this floor, that he did at one time 
sympathize with the friends of freedom, but the 
evidence furnished by his friends has completely 
dissipated that idea. He now stands before the 
country the avowed representative of the slave 
power—pledged to its perpetuation and exten¬ 
sion. Now, I ask if northern Democrats can 
vote for this nominee, supposing that he is to 
be the representative of northern sentiment? I 
tell them nay. He expects his support from the 
slaveholding States; and if, by chance, he gets 
the vote of one northern or free State, (which he 
must have or be defeated,) he will nevertheless 
be under obligations to the slave power, and will 
be their President. 

What is this slave power? It is a representa¬ 
tion of chattel property in this Capitol, against 
the representation of free men, as will appear 
from the following table prepared by my colleague, 
Mr. Bennett: 


POPULATION AND REPRESENTATION OF THE FREE AND 
SLAVE STATES. 


Free States. 

Sq. Miles. 

Population. 

Sen. 

Rep. 

1. New York. 


3,048.325 

2.258*160 

2 

33 

2. Pennsylvania.... 


2 

25 

3. Ohio. 


1,955,050 

2 

21 

4. Massachusetts.... 

... 7,250 

985,450 

2 

11 

5. Indiana. 

.. 33.809 

977,154 

2 

11 

6. Illinois. 


846,034 

2 

9 

7. Maine. 


581,813 

2 

6 

8. New Jersey. 

... 6,851 

465,509 

2 

5 

9. Michigan. 

.. 56,243 

395,071 

2 

4 

10. Connecticut.. 


363,099 

2 

4 

11. New Hampshire., 

... 8,030 

317.456 

2 

3 

12. Vermont. 


313,402 

2 

3 

13. Wisconsin.. 

... 53,924 

304,756 

2 

3 

14. Iowa. 


191,881 

2 

2 

15. llhode Island. 

... 1.200 

143,875 

2 

2 

Fifteen States. 


13,347,035 

30 

142 

(Omitting California.) 




Slave States. 

Sq. Miles. 

Population. 

Sen. 

Rep. 

1. Virginia. 


894,800 

2 

13 

2. Kentucky. 


761,413 

2 

10 

3. Tennessee. 

. 44,000 

756,836 

2 

10 

4. Missouri. .. 

. 65,037 

592.004 

2 

t 

5. North Carolina... 

. 45,500 

553,028 

o 

8 

6. Georgia.. 

.. 58,000 

521,572 

2 

8 

7. Alabama. 


426.514 

o 

7 

8. Maryland. 

.. 11.000 

417,943 

2 

6 

9. Mississippi. 

. 47,151 

295,718 

2 

5 

10. Louisiana. 

. 41.346 

255,491 

2 

4 

11. South Carolina.., 

.. 28,000 

274,563 

2 

6 

12. Arkansas . 

. 52,198 

162.189 

o 

2 

13. Texas. 

. 325,520 

154,034 

2 

2 

14. Delaware. 

,. 2,120 

71.169 

2 

I 

15. Florida. 


47,203 

2 

i 

Fifteen States. 


6,184,404 

30 

90 


From this table it appears that the sixteen free 
States have thirty-two Senators, representing 
over thirteen million five hundred thousand free 
population, and one hundred and forty-four mem¬ 
bers in the House of Representatives. The fifteen 
slave States have thirty Senators, representing 


\ 


t 






















































1 


a little over six millions population, and ninety 
members. And still with this disproportionate 
advantage the South is not satisfied; it demands 
another slave State, giving it two more Senators 
and additional members in this branch of Con¬ 
gress, which has only been prevented by the in¬ 
domitable energy and perseverance of the free 
Representatives in this House at the present 
session. Will the electors of the free States 
render abortive our efforts in electing to the Pres¬ 
idency James Buchanan, and bringing into the 
Union Kansas as a slave State ? Sir, I think I 
can safely answer no. I know of but one rem¬ 
edy for all these existing evils, and that lies in the 
election to the Presidency of John C. Fremont, 
a man, though born and raised in a slave State, 
sympathizing with the friends of freedom, and 
who, if elected, will bring back this Government 
to its early purity. And whilst he does not pro¬ 
pose to interfere with the institutions of any sec¬ 
tion, he will resist the aggressions of slavery, 
and confine it within its present limits. To him, 
therefore, we are to look as the only candidate 
before the people capable, in this great crisis, of 
restoring quiet to our country—of healing the 
wounds of discord—and saving us from civil war 
and disunion. 

Mr. Chairman, I have now said all that I de¬ 
sire on the present occasion; but have before me 
a few extracts which 1 will annex for publication, 
showing the views of southern politicians, the 
arguments used by them in this House in favor 
of slavery, and the threatened dissolution of the 
Union in case the North refuse to yield to their 
dictation: 

“ What Mr. Buchanan thinks of Foreigners. —Mr. 
Buchanan, in a Fourth of July oration, once used the fol¬ 
lowing language: 

“ ‘ Above all, we ought to drive from our shores foreign 
influence, and cherish exclusive American feelings. For-, 
eign influence has been, in every age, the curse of repub¬ 
lics. Her jaundiced eye sees all things in false colors ! The 
thick atmosphere of prejudice, by which she is forever sur¬ 
rounded, excludes from her sight the light of reason.’ ” 

“ But when you, Mr. Speaker, relurn to your own home 
and hear the people of the great North—and they are a great 
people—speak of me as a bad man, you will do me the jus¬ 
tice to say that a blow struck by me at this time would be 
followed by revolution—and this 1 know. [Applause and 
hisses in the gallery.] 

“The Speaker announced, that if any such demonstra¬ 
tions were repeated, the galleries should be cleared. 

“ Mr. Brooks, (turning to the gentlemen’s gallery.) If I 
have any friends in the gallery I appeal to them to be quiet.” 
— Hon. P. S. Brooks, on resigning his seat, JulylA, 1856. 

“ Sir, I make no threats ; but I tell the gentlemen on the 
other side of this House, plainly, as it is my solemn duty to 
do, as the representative of a hundred thousand freemen 
upon this floor, that we submit to no further aggressions 
upon us; ‘ there is a point beyond which forbearance ceases 
to be a virtue;’ and that for the future * we tread no steps 
backwards.’ We are done, gentlemen, W'ith compromises.” 
— Hon. JV. Barksdale. 

“ I wonder every day why it is, that these pestiferous 
swarms of noisy politicians, clad in the sable habiliments 
of the negro—more fearful and disgusting than the plagues 
of E<rypt, with slander, faction, strange doctrine, and un¬ 
holy aspersions in their mouths, come up from every quar¬ 
ter of our northern borders, to destroy our good name, dis¬ 
honor our homes, overturn the Constitution, and shed the 
blood of the first-.born of the land by civil war. Can it be, 
that, in the very morning of our national existence, the 
wrath of an olfended Heaven is to be visited upon us ? or 
may we not believe that the prince of darkness, attacking ! 


our early weakness, as he did our first parents in the Gar¬ 
den of Eden, has let loose this odious brood from the in¬ 
fernal world, to destroy a Government whose progress to 
greatness will banish discord and tyranny from the world?” 

******* 

“ The number, skill, and capital of immigration, being 
chiefly confined to ihe northern States, has given them a 
preponderance in population, but furnishes no ground for 
coarse and vulgar philippics against the institution of sla¬ 
very. In all the elements that constitute a wise, powerful, 
and prosperous community, the southern people are fully 
equal to their northern brethren. Perhaps my partiality 
might place the people and institutions of my native State 
far in the ascendant, but such comparisons are unbecoming; 
though I will say to northern gentlemen, ‘ 1 have seen your 
States—go and look at mine.’ You will find no ‘ blighting 
curse of slavery’ there; nor will you boast, unless false¬ 
hood suits you better than truth. The freest men that live 
are found in the southern States ; no white man there can 
be made a slave. We are your equals, and must forever 
be, or this Union cannot stand. Of every inch of territory, 
acquired by our common blood and treasure, we claim a 
share. We are willing to submit its destiny to the great 
law of settlement and population. We ask no aid to help 
us on ; but congressional power shall never again destroy 
| our rights. You abuse us, and we submit; not because we 
are weak, but because you are our countrymen. The South 
is fully equal to her own defense. Count our negroes as 
part of our people, and no equal number of men can this 
dqy be found upon the globe possessing as much military 
1 power.” 

******* 

“ Away, then, with your vile fabrications about * the 
blighting curse of slavery !’ God has not condemned it, 
and the nations have practiced it in all ages. Civil govern¬ 
ment is lawful only because it conduces in the greatest 
; degree to the general welfare. The same great principle of 
public policy demands that the Americo-negro should for¬ 
ever be a slave. The white man who fails or refuses to 
control the negro who lives on the same soil with him, 
violates the will of Heaven as much as he would by a war 
! upon all government. God has given to one the talent to 
govern—the other is only fit to be a slave. It is charity, 

! brotherly love, moral duty, political wisdom, national wealth 
I and power, to hold him in servitude, which is the only 
position that he has yet shown himself capable of filling.”— 
Hon. John H. Savage, July 31, 1856. 

“And, in the first place, I say to the gentleman from 
Ohio, [Mr. Bingham,] who made the first long speech which 
| was made on his side of the question, and who spoke with 
much fervor and eloquence, that his statements about the 
j institution of slavery were as erroneous as the topic itself 
! was out of place. 

“ To speak of slavery as ‘ the curse of Kehama, which 
j smites the earth with barrenness, that crime which blights 
l the human intellect, and blasts the human heart, and mad¬ 
dens the human brain, and crushes the human soul,’ may 
be good rhetoric, fine declamation, but it. is very bad his¬ 
tory, and worse fact.”— Hon. T. S. Bocock, July 11, 1856. 

“ And here I would take my seat; but I feel bound to say 
a few words in reference to one of the eloquent rhapsodies 
of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Bingham.] I have heard 
those same kind of rhapsodies before, and have often read 
’ the like in newspapers. We at the South have become 
accustomed to hear such things, and hence they move us 
but little from our equanimity. I confess it often produces 
; feelings of pity for those who, like the gentleman from Ohio, 
[Mr. Bingham,] seem to be honest in their zeal. We for- 
| give them as we would any other monomaniac. But W'hen 
! one goes so far as to charge, as the gentleman from Ohio 
j did, in his speech, that an institution, recognized in the 
Constitution under which he lives, and one he is sworn to 
j support, as ‘ that crime of crimes—that sum of all villainies, 
which makes merchandise of immortality’—I say, when 
I gentlemen see proper to use such language as that, I have 
no words of my own for an answer. I commend to him, 
and to all who think, with him upon this subject, the perusal 
| of a small volume called the ‘African Preacher.’ It was 
written by a New England man, and is but the simple biog¬ 
raphy of a native of Africa, whom this ‘ sum of all villainies’ 
brought to our shores, and who lived and labored, and died 
a slave in Virginia. 

“ If further answer to this part of his speech be desirable 
to him, I refer him to the songs of praise that go up each 













8 


Sabbath day from the voices of five hundred thousand slaves 
in the South, who have learned the truth that enables them 
to rejoice in the hope of a blissful immortality, through the 
instrumentality of that ‘crime of crimes which makes 
merchandise of immortality.’ And if not satisfied yet, go 
another step—go stand, by the bedside of the dying slave, 
and hear him, when life’s last sand is falling through, and 
the realities of that life to come are faslrushinghome upon 
his expectant vision—when life mortal and life immortal are 
in their last struggle for the mastery, and the clay tenement 
is fast dissolving around that jewel of celestial birth that 
now plumes itself for the passage back to that ‘ house not 
made with hands’—go, then, I say, and hear for yourselves 
his last prayer of thanksgiving to God that, through ‘that 
sum of all villanies,’ He had seen proper in His providence 
to transfer him from barbarism and moral death to where 
the light of the Gospel of truth had shined into his dark 
understanding! Go hear that prayer for yourselves, that 
you may rebuke it, and learn that your quarrel is not with 
us, but God !”— Hon. N. G. Foster, of Georgia. 

“ Fourth of July at Grahamville, South Carolina. 
At the celebration of the anniversary of our Independence 
in this South Carolina town, the following toasts, among 
others, were drank ‘ with enthusiasm:’ 

“ Kansas: Already stained with the blood of southern mar¬ 
tyrs in the cause of justice and our most sacred rights. 
May her streams become rivers of blood, and her forests 
charnel-houses, before her soil shall be contaminated and 
her atmosphere polluted by the Free-Soil partisans of the 
North. 

“ The Beaufort District Troop: Resting on their saddles, 
await the word to take a high place in this picture. 

“ Mr. Brooks, the South Carolina Champion : When next 
he defends the rights of the South, may he be armed with 
a Carolina hickory! 

“ By Captain Thomas Dawson : May God, in his wisdom, 
see fit to remove the white skin of the honorable Senator 


from Massachusetts—Sumner—and substitute a black one, 
together with a ‘ kinky head,’ that he may be taught to 
appreciate his color. 

“ By R. H. McAvoy: Would to God, that every congres¬ 
sional district of South Carolina would send such men as 
Colonel Brooks. 

“ Hon. Preston S. Brooks: We approve of the manly 
course which he pursued in chastising insult, insolence, 
and injury to South Carolina, and say to him, Well done ! 

11 The Constitution of the United States: The apple of 
discord between virtue and vice, reason and fanaticism. 

“ Kansas: Her plains have been stained with the blood 
of southern men, in support of southern rights and equality. 
May their appeals for aid be generously and gallantly 
responded to by every southern man. 

“The Union of the States: Nominal in form; but dis¬ 
solved in spirit. May the next overt act of aggression snap 
the remaining bond, and thus place the South upon that 
political equality \yhich northern injustice and northern 
principles have denied us in the Halls of legislation. 

“ Mr. Brooks: May the glorious example here set us in the 
chastisement of northern insolence arouse us to a due sense 
of the indignities which have, from time to time, been 
offered to the South, and stimulate us to avenge them as 
speedily, as promptly, and as effectually. 

“Massachusetts: Truant to the sacred compact she has 
signed ; recreant to every principle of honesty, truth, and 
justice; polluted by fanatical doctrines; secularized by 
spiritualism, religious enthusiasm, and corrupt legislation. 
May her unfortunate degeneracy be deeply deplored ; and 
since she is already past recovery, may an effectual check 
be placed upon her insolence by repeated and vigorous 
blows of gutta percha. 

“ The Democratic party: The platform adopted by the 
Cincinnati Convention inspires a hope that the rights of 
the South may yet be maintained, and a dissolution of the 
Union postponed for a time.” 


Printed at the Office of the Congressional Globe. 



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Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide 
Treatment Date: May 2010 

^ PreservationTechnologies 

A WORLD LEAOER IN COLLECTIONS PRESERVATION 


A WORLD LEAOER IN COLLECTIONS PRESERVATION 

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